EFCC’s Probe Into 18 Serving Governors Raises Concerns Over Systemic Corruption

The current Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mr. Ola Olukoyede, has publicly confirmed that the Commission is actively investigating 18 sitting governors across various states of Nigeria for financial-related misconduct. However, he emphasized a significant legal limitation: while investigations are ongoing, no legal prosecution can take place until the respective governors vacate their offices.

Olukoyede stated, “We don’t wait until governors finish their term before commencing investigations. As of now, we are conducting thorough probes on 18 sitting governors. Once their immunity expires, we will move forward accordingly.” This was disclosed during a recent public engagement program, seemingly serving both as a notice and deterrent.

Although the EFCC is empowered to investigate and prevent financial crimes, critics argue that merely investigating without immediate accountability is ineffective. This is often compared to locking the stable after the horse has already escaped. The inability to prosecute while a governor remains in power complicates anti-corruption efforts, especially when dealing with Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs). For this reason, there are growing calls for a constitutional review of the immunity clause shielding public officials.

Back in 2007, during the tenure of the EFCC’s pioneering chairman, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, similar revelations were made. He had completed probes into several governors and awaited the end of their tenures to commence prosecution. Sadly, nearly two decades later, a majority of those cases have yet to reach any conclusive judgments.

Ribadu’s reports included allegations such as money laundering, manipulation of local government allocations, and inflation of contract values. In some cases, the wives of governors were allegedly involved in laundering illicit funds. For example, a governor from the South-East region reportedly used family members—his wife, daughter, mother, and brother—to misappropriate N35 billion, which was allegedly used to establish a private airline, a pharmaceutical company, and a media house.

In another shocking case, a different governor, along with four aides, was arraigned on a 16-count charge of misappropriating N60.85 billion in public funds. Some governors worked hand-in-hand with local government officials to siphon off state funds. In oil-rich South-South states, EFCC reports indicate that 13% derivation funds meant for development were funneled into foreign accounts. From the North-West, another governor allegedly diverted a N1 billion loan intended for developmental projects.

The EFCC’s journey has been described as a “mirage”—the more you examine, the less tangible the results become. Public confidence in the agency has waned over time, with many Nigerians disillusioned by drawn-out court cases, ambiguous plea bargains, and inconclusive investigations.

A few notable convictions stand out: Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame were sentenced but later received presidential pardons from Muhammadu Buhari. Former Delta State governor, James Ibori, was jailed in the UK for corruption, while Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, former governor of Bayelsa State, was also convicted. Alamieyeseigha was found with $1.5 million hidden in his London apartment and $2.7 million in a foreign bank account. These few high-profile convictions were mostly achieved with international cooperation.

Following the exit of President Olusegun Obasanjo, whose administration took an aggressive stance on anti-corruption, many pending corruption cases lost momentum. Ribadu, once the poster face of the EFCC, also fled the country under political pressure.

Obasanjo had shown firm political will. In 1999, after his electoral victory, Dr. Peter Eigen of Transparency International described Obasanjo as “a principled anti-corruption crusader” and called on the international community to support Nigeria’s reforms. Obasanjo had previously lamented that young Nigerians now idolized corrupt leaders, warning that unchecked corruption could destroy the nation’s future.

Obasanjo’s policies led to the formation of the EFCC, with Ribadu playing a crucial role. Despite holding the relatively junior rank of Assistant Commissioner of Police, Ribadu managed to prosecute high-profile figures like former Inspector-General of Police, Tafa Balogun, who was convicted for mishandling N5.7 billion. Ribadu famously claimed that he feared no man, only God.

Between 2007 and 2015, the anti-corruption campaign lost vigor. Under Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, governance was hampered by health issues, while Goodluck Jonathan’s administration displayed little resolve to combat corruption. Funds designated for military operations in the North-East were reportedly diverted for political campaigns. Deziani Alison-Madueke, the former Minister of Petroleum, allegedly enjoyed unchecked access to public resources during this period.

Jonathan’s lax anti-corruption posture gave opposition parties material to campaign with. The prevailing rhetoric was, “If Nigeria doesn’t kill corruption, corruption will kill Nigeria.” Despite actions against figures like National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki, the Buhari administration’s anti-corruption efforts became selective.

Several politicians evaded EFCC investigations by switching allegiance from the PDP to Buhari’s APC. Those who supported APC campaigns enjoyed political cover. This pattern persisted throughout Buhari’s presidency. Notably, APC’s former National Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole, once infamously declared that defectors would have their “sins forgiven”—a statement he later attempted to deny, despite widespread public memory.

Senate President Godswill Akpabio is a prominent example. Before joining APC, he was investigated by the EFCC for allegedly embezzling N108.1 billion while serving as Akwa Ibom governor. Later, as Niger Delta Affairs Minister, allegations of over N86 billion in contract fraud surfaced during his oversight of the NDDC. A National Assembly inquiry into N40 billion worth of questionable expenses followed. When invited by the EFCC in 2023, Akpabio claimed to be too ill to attend—diagnosed with pneumonia and cardiac arrhythmia. That was the end of the matter.

Given this backdrop, one can sympathize with the current EFCC leadership. While the intention to investigate 18 sitting governors appears noble, past experiences offer little hope for meaningful outcomes. The issue is not necessarily EFCC’s commitment but the broader political environment, which often undermines justice.

The case of Yahaya Bello, former Kogi governor, further illustrates the challenges. Rather than face corruption charges, he evaded law enforcement for months, eventually reappearing under convenient conditions. Authorities took no visible punitive action.

Among the 18 current governors under EFCC probe, those outside the ruling APC may interpret the situation as an invitation to switch parties. PDP governors with 2027 ambitions are watching carefully. Only those who govern transparently and avoid corrupt practices may have a chance to escape future turmoil—but such leaders remain rare.

Ultimately, real progress in combating corruption depends heavily on leadership at the highest level. If the president demonstrates commitment, anti-corruption agencies will align. It starts with transparent governance, standard contract processing, and compliance with procurement protocols.

A federal administration that bypasses procurement standards or a legislature led by individuals facing corruption allegations cannot sincerely fight corruption. If the government truly wants EFCC to succeed, it can make that happen. Instead of pursuing long and ineffective post-tenure prosecutions, the EFCC should consider monitoring procurement processes at the early stages.

Flagrant financial irregularities, such as white elephant airport projects, inflated contracts, and suspicious tractor importation deals, should be stopped before funds disappear. Pursuing corrupt officials only after retirement has proven to be largely ineffective.